After every U.S. election since 1980 that has resulted in a Republican president, political observers have “discovered” a new stream within the Christian tradition to write about.
For the Reagan and (to a lesser extent) George H.W. Bush elections, the focus was on the “born-again Southerners” who turned away from Jimmy Carter, a born-again Southerner. The first George W. Bush election was seen largely as a fluke, due to the Supreme Court essentially breaking the tie. But by Bush’s second election, the media became obsessed with the voting bloc generally known as “evangelicals.”
By 2016, media commentators had realized that there is no such thing as “an” evangelical. Evangelicalism consists of Christians with numerous, sometimes competing, interpretations of the Bible and approaches to the world.
The makeup of Trump’s “Evangelical Advisory Council” during his first election is a great example. This consisted of prominent Southern Baptists, such as pastors Robert Jeffress and Jack Graham, veterans of the evangelical culture wars, such as James Dobson, and Franklin Graham, who was still, at the time, seen as the successor to his father’s legacy. They were joined by leaders who represented various corners of the charismatic Christian tradition, such as Paula White and Kenneth Copeland.
Although virtually all of Trump’s 2016 evangelical coalition remains intact, this latter group has taken center stage during Trump 2.0. Out of this group come proponents of the Seven Mountain Mandate (7MM), which teaches that it is the responsibility of Christians to take dominion over seven “mountains” or “spheres of influence” in the world.
These spheres of influence have included church (religion), family, education, government, media, arts and entertainment, and business. (Lance Wallnau, a major figure in the 7MM movement, has recently combined arts and entertainment with media to make room for science.)
Of all the spheres of influence 7MM seeks to dominate, the mountain of “church” is the most straightforward one to describe. This is because it is seen as the “default mountain,” or home base from which all believers receive their mission.
However, to understand how 7MM devotees understand the church, it can be helpful to compare and contrast their ecclesiology (belief about the church) with that of other evangelicals they stand beside in support of Trump. An institution and a network with outsized influence on the Republican Party can guide us in this.
Legal Eagles
Patrick Henry College (PHC), was founded in 2000 to “prepare Christian men and women who will lead our nation and shape our culture with timeless biblical values and fidelity to the spirit of the American founding.”
Though officially a classical liberal arts school, PHC quickly became known for its emphasis on politics and law. Just four years after its founding, PHC’s debate team made headlines for defeating Harvard in a national moot court competition. This was seen by many in the evangelical community as a significant win for home-schoolers (who make up a significant portion of PHC’s student body) in the culture wars.
Located near Washington, D.C., PHC has used its proximity to the nation’s capital to send students and graduates into the halls of power as government and think tank staffers and conservative media personalities. The college was on the advisory board for Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s blueprint for Trump’s second term.
Spiritual Warriors
The New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) is a network of charismatic churches whose leaders have entered politics through the back door of their relationship with Trump.
The NAR isn’t a denomination, but consists of churches that believe God is still calling “apostles and prophets” in the same way God did in the Bible. Notably, they recognize each other’s apostles and prophets as having special authority from God. Prominent churches in this movement are Bethel Church in California and the International House of Prayer in Kansas City, Missouri.
While she isn’t officially connected to the NAR, Pentecostal preacher Paula White is a key bridge builder between its leaders and Donald Trump.
(Many leaders associated with this movement reject the label “NAR,” but their shared theology and networks align with how scholars have defined it.)
Different Realms
Both PHC and NAR leaders believe it is their duty as Christians to influence society through their proximity to power. And although they both currently have disproportionate influence for their size within the GOP, key differences are instructive to anyone wanting to understand the role the “church realm” plays in the 7MM.
Those associated with PHC want to shape the world in their image, but through legal, constitutional means. Theologically, they allow room for various interpretations of the end times, a subject that is only tangentially connected to their political worldview.
In contrast, eschatology (ideas about the end times) is central to the mission of NAR leaders. And central to their eschatology is the church’s (as they define it) dominion over the seven mountains, which they believe will usher in Christ’s return.
Legal matters are simply a nuisance for those in the NAR and proponents of the 7MM. This is one of the few things they have in common with Trump.
Unlike Trump, who is driven by narcissism and greed, they believe they are in a spiritual battle with the forces of evil. They have found allies in the broader evangelical community and with Trump, but these alliances are merely a means to an end.
Because their “end” means “the end of the world as we know it,” 7MM devotees represent a unique danger to multi-cultural and multi-religious democracies.
As Trump’s political coalition continues to draw strength from both camps, the difference in their visions for the church—one grounded in law, the other in prophecy—may shape not just the Republican Party, but the future of American democracy itself.
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Senior Editor at Good Faith Media.
