
In a striking interview on “Amanpour & Company,” journalist Michel Martin spoke with Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao, former Permanent Representative of the African Union to the United States. Their exchange cut through the usual rhetoric of foreign aid, revealing the deeper mechanics of power that often operate beneath the humanitarian façade.
Chihombori-Quao, a physician and a seasoned diplomat, did not mince words. She offered not outrage, but clarity—a reframing of “aid” as a form of economic capture.
Her critique aligns with a theme of much of my work: belief is not organic or incidental. It is manufactured. It is engineered. The most dangerous systems are not upheld by violence alone, but by the stories we tell about them—stories repeated so often and with such institutional force that they pass for truth.
I call this “engineered belief.” It is the architecture of perception that turns control into care, exploitation into generosity, and empire into moral authority.
In the interview, we find a case study so exacting that it practically demands inclusion in any serious inquiry into the function of whiteness and its many proxies.
Chihombori-Quao’s words, though delivered diplomatically, carry the force of generational disillusionment: USAID and its kin are not benevolent agents of development. They are emissaries of empire, draped in philanthropic camouflage.
In that economy of distortion, Trump is not an aberration. He’s the prototype. His rise is not the unraveling of American decorum—it is the proof that decorum was never the structure, only the story.
Like a thief in bespoke disguise, he weaponized engineered belief not just to ascend, but to extract—from truth, trust and memory.
We thought we were watching a failed presidency. But you only see failure if you believe that was the job he came to do. He didn’t come to govern but to destabilize the idea of governance itself.
He succeeded.
What Ambassador Chihombori-Quao reveals about U.S. foreign aid is not a conspiracy theory—it’s an infrastructure, a design. One that, like Trump, masquerades as benevolence while moving strategically through the vaults.
For generations, we have mistaken presence for partnership and charity for solidarity. This is also by design. Whiteness does not require your belief in its virtue; it only requires your consent to its frame. Aid, in its current form, is not a disruption of colonial extraction—it is its modern manifestation. The structure has simply changed its wardrobe.
“They are wolves in sheep’s clothing,” Ambassador Arikana says. “They use humanitarian language to go into the most remote parts of Africa.”
This echoes in my mind like scripture, as if it had been lifted from the very repository I’ve been writing about: the ever-morphing, ever-justifying body of institutions that house the ethics of whiteness.
Her indictment of USAID, the UN, and other so-called developmental agencies mirrors my framing of The Repository—not as a library of wisdom, but as a warehouse of engineered consent. These institutions are not passive observers of global suffering; they are architects of the conditions that produce it.
This is the fundamental violence of whiteness: it does not merely exploit resources—it rewrites the story of that exploitation so thoroughly that the exploited become grateful for the attention.
The Theft of Narrative
What makes this theft so insidious is not merely the siphoning of resources, but the hijacking of narrative. USAID and its counterparts enter under the banner of capacity-building, social justice and humanitarian relief. In so doing, they re-center themselves as saviors.
But what does it mean to offer healthcare aid to people you have biologically experimented on? What does it mean to provide educational support while undermining indigenous knowledge systems and replacing them with Western curricula designed to foster dependence?
It means that the infrastructure of whiteness is not merely physical—it is cognitive. It teaches a child in Africa that their language, land, and stories are incomplete until whiteness verifies them.
This is what I mean when I say “belief is engineered.”
Infrastructure as Infiltration
Layer by layer, Ambassador Chihombori-Quao maps a cartography of controlled access. From PEPFAR to agricultural “innovation,” from human rights missions to food programs, each aid initiative is a delivery system for something else entirely: surveillance, manipulation and the maintenance of Western hegemony.
She names what is often left unnamed: that aid is conditional, that its architects often operate as spies, and that these programs have historically served to destabilize governments under the guise of democratic advocacy.
This is an example of domesticated belief. The colonized mind does not merely obey—it agrees. It rationalizes its own dispossession as partnership. That’s the genius of engineered consent.
“Show me one country where USAID has entered and the health care system improved,” the ambassador asked. “Show me where the education system improved.”
That challenge is not rhetorical. It is forensic.
Scarcity as Strategy
The logic of aid depends on the perpetuation of need. This is not a partnership; it is a supply chain of dependency. And the greatest sleight of hand is convincing the world that this cycle is moral.
The Ambassador’s example of Niger’s uranium exploitation is telling. For decades, the French paid pennies for a mineral they sold for hundreds. The African government, upon reclaiming control, transformed their income from millions to hundreds of billions.
What aid program could rival that?
Like capitalism, whiteness engineers scarcity. It extracts real wealth while offering performative charity. It creates crisis so it can appear heroic in its response.
Toward a Continental Consciousness
The Ambassador’s solution is clear: Africa must look within. She doesn’t advocate for war or retribution. She calls for inventory. Her call is for internal cohesion, for an Africa that negotiates with one voice.
This is spiritual work as much as it is political. We must steward the convergence—not merely deconstruct the lie but offer a viable alternative. We must not just reject the repository, but build our own.
Africa is not poor. It is plundered. And perhaps the most violent theft has not been of minerals or labor but of belief: the belief that help must come from outside, that healing must come with strings, and that the West holds the master narrative.
If whiteness has built an empire on benevolence, then it is time we become suspicious of the gift. It is time to reimagine aid not as salvation, but as a transaction—one that too often comes at the cost of sovereignty.
And so, we name it: Benevolent theft.
Not to collapse into cynicism, but to rupture the illusion. Not to rehearse injury, but to reawaken authorship.
This is not only about what has been taken. It is about what has been hidden: the capacity to imagine a world that does not depend on borrowed power, a world where care is not a disguise for control, a world where the so-called beneficiaries of aid are the architects of their own futures.
The task ahead is not to beg for better gifts. It is to remember we were never beggars, to see through the frame. It is to re-story what was stolen and to recover the imagination that empire tried to erase.
Our agency was never lost. It was only engineered to look that way.
Only by naming the theft can we dismantle the illusion that masked it. Only by rupturing the story can we recover the agency to build anew.
What is at stake is not just equity but epistemic sovereignty. We have the power to define what care looks like, determine what repair requires, and decide what the future demands.
This is not merely critique. It is a call to narrative power. It is a reclamation and return.
Because the real gift is clarity.